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South Punjab ‘movement’
By Ayesha Siddiqa
There is a
possibility that the movement for an independent province is meant
to mask the various militant organisations that continue to operate
in Bahawalpur division. - AP/File photo
MOHAMMAD Ali Durrani, the former information minister, recently went
public with his plan to struggle for an independent Bahawalpur
province. One can simply dismiss his views as an extension of the
old Seraiki movement which people have heard about for very long.
This time round, however, the idea has been floated by a man reputed
for his deep connections with the establishment. The timing of the
proposed movement also raises questions about what may happen in
that part of the country.
The former minister’s reasons for starting the movement are quite
logical. He is of the view that when Bahawalpur was merged into the
One-Unit in 1955, the State of Pakistan had stipulated that the
princely state would revert to its original status if the One-Unit
were dissolved. Durrani believes that not only did the State of
Pakistan go back on its promise, it failed to invest in the
socioeconomic development of Bahawalpur. Resultantly, there is a lot
of poverty and underdevelopment in the region.
What he did not mention was that land in Cholistan, Bahawalpur’s
desert area, is routinely distributed to people from outside the
area, especially military and civil bureaucrats. Also, since
Bahawalpur does not fall into the Punjab (rural) civil services or
military quota, there are fewer people from the region in the state
bureaucracy.
Durrani’s feeling for the area may not be doubted because he belongs
to Ahmedpur, a city in district Bahawalpur. However, one would
certainly like to ask the minister if he felt this way while he was
part of the previous government and in a position to do things for
the region. Did he ever ensure that his party, the PML-Q, make plans
for the area? After all, Q-League stalwarts such as Ejazul Haq and
Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi contest elections from Bahawalpur division.
Or did he ever present a vision for the government to go beyond the
construction of an airport, a medical college and a university? Most
of the public buildings in Bahawalpur — the central library, its
only hospital and others — are a gift of the old nawab.
There is a possibility that Durrani might have tired of waiting for
Pervez Musharraf to return to politics and assign some task or
important office to his former information minister. Let’s not
forget that there are many prominent people from the former State of
Bahawalpur who, like Durrani, belong to the local elite and have
participated in politics at the provincial and local levels.
Makhdoom Shahabuddin, Makhdoom Altaf, Makhdoom Khusro Bakhtiar,
Makhdoom Ahmed Alam Anwar, Makhdoom Hassan Mehmood and his sons,
Tasneem Nawaz Gardezi and Riaz Pirzada are some of the luminaries of
Bahawalpur who have held positions in successive governments.
So it is quite pathetic to argue that these people could not
convince the establishment of which they were a part to invest in
social development in their region. Not only have these Makhdooms
ignored the development of their areas, some are also known for
keeping up the archaic tradition of not marrying off their sisters
and daughters to keep the family wealth at home. The family of the
Makhdooms of Rahimyar Khan is known for this. The airports built at
two sites, namely Bahawalpur and Rahimyar Khan, are gifts from the
sheikhs of Dubai and Abu Dhabi. In return, Pakistani governments
award huge concessions like turning state land into private hunting
grounds for these foreign dignitaries.
Yet another possibility is that a movement for an independent
province is meant to mask all other socio-political activities in
the region so that these might go unnoticed by the rest of the
country and the world at large. This refers to the various militant
organisations that continue to operate in Bahawalpur division.
Although the provincial and central governments are trying their
best to constrain these militant outfits, there is no clear plan of
action for cleaning up the area. A total elimination of these
organisations becomes difficult due to the lack of clarity or a
strategy regarding militancy.
Either the central or the provincial government has come up with the
brilliant idea of supporting the Barelvi movement, including its
armed wing, which means that the area could suffer the way Karachi
has through the conflict between the MQM and MQM-Haqiqi. And now
there is this mention of a political movement that has no real
support at the local level but carries the potential of creating
mayhem in the medium to long term. The resulting confusion ought to
leave all observers fogged.
It is true that the average Bahawalpuri talks nostalgically about
the glory days of the princely state, but the fact of the matter is
that the majority are no longer stuck in the past. Consequently, the
family of the former nawab of Bahawalpur, which ordinary people
still respect, can no longer hope to get all the votes in elections.
There are new power networks and groups that have diluted the memory
of the state.
For instance, the development work done by District Nazim Tariq
Bashir Cheema has strengthened his control rather than that of the
traditional power centres. He focused on tehsil Yazman, his personal
area of interest, to procure political support for the future.
Similarly, there are many other new faces that win support on the
basis of services provided to constituents.
A political movement for an independent status could only be built
if funded from unexplained sources. If such a movement did manage to
take off, it would create such chaos that the other divisive
elements which have been systematically planted in the area would be
forgotten. The strategy might prove beneficial if the intention is
to hide those elements and forces that have a greater impact on
peace and stability in the region.
Genuine empowerment of the area will only come through greater
development work and a fair distribution of resources. In any case,
such a movement will only multiply existing problems rather than
solve issues to the benefit of the people. Thus if Mr Durrani really
wants to do something for his place of birth, he would be better off
talking about improving governance, ensuring the rule of law and
eliminating the terror outfits that could destroy the rich culture
of Bahawalpur. Perhaps he
could start with his own accountability and a sincere assessment of
the area he calls home.
The writer is an independent strategic and political analyst.ayesha.ibd@gmail.com
DAWN: Friday, 12 Jun, |
